[ Mr Shiv Verma ji a compatriot
and one of the close comrades of Bhagat Singh in HSRA
was also a co accused in Lahore Consipiracy Case. He
wrote as introduction to this document that it was
written on February 2, 1931 and this document is a sort
of behest to young political workers of India. At that
time the talk of some sort of compromise between the
Congress and the British Government was in the air.
Through this document Bhagat Singh explained as to when
a compromise is permissible and when it is not. He also
made out that the way Congress is conducting the
movement it was bound to end in some sort of compromise.
After analysing to the conditions then prevailing, he finally advised the youth to adopt Marxism as the ideology, work among the people, organize workers and peasants
into a Party of form the Communist Party.
This document was published in a mutilated form. All references to
congress leaders and Soviet Union, Marx, Lenin and the Communist Party were carefully deleted.
[ In reaction to this self censorship by national press Shahid Sukhdev wrote a
letter in which he stated that " we are not repentance for our death what is
more painful is the killing of our ideas and views." -ed]
But Subsequently, the GOI published it in one of its secret reports in 1936. A
Photostat copy of the full report is preserved in the library of the Martyrs' Memorial and Freedom Struggle Research Centre at Lucknow.]
[ Editorial Introduction :
Written on February 2,1931, this document is a
sort of behest to young political workers of India. Even while waiting for death
penalty he was thinking with all clarity about the future of India. He wanted to
equip his compatriots with a clear vision and emphasized the principles of
achieving the goal of complete Independence. His assessment of the national
movement at that time is so correct. This document consist of two parts on in
the form of a letter and followed by notes under the titles our opportunity,
Gandhism, Terrorism, Revolution, Programme and Revolutionary Party.
For some time it has been a
puzzle that how it landed in Bengal. Now we have a first hand evidence as
recorded by Comrade Ram Chandera the President of Naujawan Bharat Sabha in his
memoires “ Naujawan Bharat Sabha and Hindustan Socialist Republican Association
/ Army published by author in 1986 page 173.” Comrade Ram Chandra records that
“ Bhagt Singh had written a letter dealing with political situation as it had
developed upto that time. This was brought by late Jaswant Singh a silent and
noble revolutionary comrade to me…. ….. I handed over this letter to Subash
in order to get his total commitment to Naujawan Bharat Sabha. Subash promised
to return the letter to me after the Naujawan Session at Karachi (25th March,
1931 along with Session of National Indian Congress :ed). To keep his word he
searched for me. But as I had been detained at Karachi he could not return the
letter to me. And then it was lost.” So this explains how it reached Calcutta
and must have been read by all type of political workers , and was subsequently
found in Calcutta.
Mr CES Fairweather was police commissioner of
This report along with other
police reports of that times have been since reproduced by West Bengal
“Terrorism in Bengal “
“Vol 1 A collection of
documents on Terrorist Activities from 1905 -1939.” Ed. Amiya K Samanta
Here is the
document as published by Mr. CES Fairweather . ]
Notes on the Development of United Front Movement in Bengal (PAGES 45
to 57 )
Revolutionary programme drafted by Bhagat Singh (hanged) and found in the house
search of (detenu) Mrs. Bimala Pratibha Devi in Calcutta on 3rd
Note :- I am publishing this
as I am firmly convinced that all the revolutionary forces at present moment are
tending to operate on the lines indicated in the programme. We have recently (
in intercepted correspondence ) had a reference to a “Committee of Action”
.Under the scheme the degree of control exercised in the most open fashion and
as such a manner that those in control can never be connected with criminal
C E S
The Young Political Workers.
Our movement is
passing through a very important phase at present. After a year's fierce
struggle some definite proposals regarding the constitutional reforms have been
formulated by the Round Table Conference and the Congress leaders have been
invited to give this *(help if they) think it desirable in the present
circumstances to call off their movement. Whether they decide in favour or
against is a matter of little importance to us. The present movement is bound to
end in some sort of compromise. The compromise may be effected sooner or later.
And compromise is not such ignoble and deplorable a thing as we generally think.
It is rather an indispensable factor in the political strategy. Any nation that
rises against the oppressors is bound to fail in the beginning, and to gain
partial reforms during the medieval period of its struggle through compromises.
And it is only at the last stage - having fully organized all the forces and
resources of the nation - that it can possibly strike the final blow in which it
might succeed to shatter the ruler's government. But even then it might fail,
which makes some sort of compromise inevitable. This can be best illustrated by
the Russian example.
In 1905 a
revolutionary movement broke out in Russia. All the leaders were very hopeful.
Lenin had returned from the foreign countries where he had taken refuge. He was
conducting the struggle. People came to tell him that a dozen landlords were
killed and a score of their mansions were burnt. Lenin responded by telling them
to return and to kill twelve hundred landlords and burn as many of their
palaces. In his opinion that would have meant something if revolution failed.
Duma was introduced. The same Lenin advocated the view of participating in the
Duma. This is what happened in 1907. In 1906 he was opposed to the participation
in this first Duma which had granted more scope of work than this second one
whose rights had been curtailed. This was due to the changed circumstances.
Reaction was gaining the upper hand and Lenin wanted to use the floor of he Duma
as a platform to discuss socialist ideas.
Again after the 1917
revolution, when the Bolsheviks were forced to sign the Brest Litovsk Treaty,
everyone except Lenin was opposed to it. But Lenin said: "Peace". "Peace and
again Peace: peace at any cost-even at the cost of many of the Russian provinces
to be yielded to German War Lord". When some anti-Bolshevik people condemned
Lenin for this treaty, he declared frankly that the Bolsheviks were not in a
position to face the German onslaught and they preferred the treaty to the
complete annihilation of the Bolshevik Government.
The thing that I wanted to
point out was that compromise is an essential weapon which has to be wielded
every now and then as the struggle develops. But the thing that we must keep
always before us is the ideal of the movement. We must always maintain a clear
notion as to the aim for the achievement of which we are fighting. That helps us
to verify the success and failures of our movements and we can easily formulate
the future programme. Tilak's policy, quite apart from the ideal i.e. his
strategy, was the best. You are fighting to get sixteen annas from your enemy,
you get only one anna. Pocket it and fight for the rest. What we note in the
moderates is of their ideal. They start to achieve one anna and they can't get
it. The revolutionaries must always keep in mind that they are striving for a
complete revolution. Complete mastery of power in their hands. Compromises are
dreaded because the conservatives try to disband the revolutionary forces after
the compromise. But able and bold revolutionary leaders can save the movement
from such pitfalls. We must be very careful at such junctures to avoid any sort
of confusion of the real issues especially the goal. The British Labour leaders
betrayed their real struggle and have been reduced to mere hypocrite
imperialists. In my opinion the diehard conservatives are better to us than
these polished imperialist Labour leaders. About the tactics and strategy one
should study life-work of Lenin. His definite views on the subject of compromise
will be found in "Left - Wing Communism.”
I have said that the present
movement, i.e. the present struggle, is bound to end in some sort of compromise
or complete failure.
I said that,
because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been
invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class
shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the latter, can
never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real
revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the
labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The
sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even
after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience
with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi declared: "We must not
tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the factory
proletariat" (The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach
them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli resolution of 1922 clearly
defines the horror the leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class
rising to shake off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the yoke
of the landlords.
It is there that our leaders
prefer a surrender to the British than to the peasantry. Leave alone Pt. Jawahar
Lal. Can you point out any effort to organize the peasants or the labourers? No,
they will not run the risk. There they lack. That is why I say they never meant
a complete revolution. Through economic and administrative pressure they hoped
to get a few more reforms, a few more concessions for the Indian capitalists.
That is why I say that this movement is doomed to die, may be after some sort of
compromise or even without. They young workers who in all sincerity raise the
cry "Long Live Revolution", are not well organized and strong enough to carry
the movement themselves. As a matter of fact, even our great leaders, with the
exception of perhaps Pt. Motilal Nehru, do not dare to take any responsibility
on their shoulders, that is why every now and then they surrender
unconditionally before Gandhi. In spite of their differences, they never oppose
him seriously and the resolutions have to be carried for the Mahatma.
circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who seriously mean a
revolution, that harder times are coming. Let them beware lest they should get
confused or disheartened. After the experience made through two struggles of the
Great Gandhi, we are in a better position to form a clear idea of our present
position and the future programme.
Now allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry "Long
Live Revolution." Let me assume that you really mean it. According to our
definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly Bomb Case,
revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing social order and its
replacement with the socialist order. For that purpose our immediate aim is the
achievement of power. As a matter of fact, the state, the government machinery
is just a weapon in the hands of the ruling class to further and safeguard its
interest. We want to snatch and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of
our ideal, i.e., social reconstruction on new, i.e., Marxist, basis. For this
purpose we are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we have to
educate the masses and to create a favourable atmosphere for our social
programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them.
With these things clear
before us, i.e., our immediate and ultimate object having been clearly put, we
can now proceed with the examination of the present situation. We must always be
very candid and quite business-like while analysing any situation.
We know that since a
hue and cry was raised about the Indians' participation in and share in the
responsibility of the Indian government, the Minto-Morley Reforms were
introduced, which formed the Viceroy's council with consultation rights only.
During the Great War, when the Indian help was needed the most, promises about
self-government were made and the existing reforms were introduced. Limited
legislative powers have been entrusted to the Assembly but subject to the
goodwill of the Viceroy. Now is the third stage.
Now reforms are being discussed and are to be introduced in the near
future. How can our young men judge them? This is a question; I do not know by
what standard are the Congress leaders going to judge them. But for us, the
revolutionaries, we can have the following criteria:
Extent of responsibility transferred to the shoulders of the Indians.
of the Government institutions that are going to be introduced and the extent of
the right of participation given to the masses.
Future prospects and the safeguards.
require a little further elucidation. In the first place, we can easily judge
the extent of responsibility given to our people by the control our
representatives will have on the executive. Up till now, the executive was never
made responsible to the Legislative Assembly and the Viceroy had the veto power,
which rendered all the efforts of the elected members futile. Thanks to the
efforts of the Swaraj Party, the Viceroy was forced every now and then to use
these extraordinary powers to shamelessly trample the solemn decisions of the
national representatives under foot. It is already too well known to need
Now in the first place we
must see the method of the executive formation: Whether the executive is to be
elected by the members of a popular assembly or is to be imposed from above as
before, and further, whether it shall be responsible to the house or shall
absolutely affront it as in the past?
As regards the second item,
we can judge it through the scope of franchise. The property qualifications
making a man eligible to vote should be altogether abolished and universal
suffrage be introduced instead. Every adult, both male and female, should have
the right to vote. At present we can simply see how far the franchise has been
I may here make a mention
about provincial autonomy. But from whatever I have heard, I can only say that
the Governor imposed from above, equipped with extraordinary powers, higher and
above the legislative, shall prove to be no less than a despot. Let us better
call it the "provincial tyranny" instead of "autonomy." This is a strange type
of democratisation of the state institutions.
The third item is
quite clear. During the last two years the British politicians have been trying
to undo Montague's promise for another dole of reforms to be bestowed every ten
years till the British Treasury exhausts.
We can see what they have
decided about the future.
Let me make it
clear that we do not analyse these things to rejoice over the achievement, but
to form a clear idea about our situation, so that we may enlighten the masses
and prepare them for further struggle. For us, compromise never means surrender,
but a step forward and some rest. That is all and nothing else.
Having discussed the
present situation, let us proceed to discuss the future programme and the line
of action we ought to adopt.
As I have already
stated, for any revolutionary party a definite programme is very essential. For,
you must know that revolution means action. It means a change brought about
deliberately by an organized and systematic work, as opposed to sudden and
unorganised or spontaneous change or breakdown. And for the formulation of a
programme, one must necessarily study:
2. The premises from where we are to start, i.e., the existing conditions.
3. The course of action, i.e., Means and Methods.
Unless one has a clear notion about these three factors, one cannot discuss
anything about programme.
We have discussed
the present situation to some extent. The goal also has been slightly touched.
We want a socialist revolution, the indispensable preliminary to which is the
political revolution. That is what we want. The political revolution does not
mean the transfer of state (or more crudely, the power) from the hands of the
British to the Indian, but to those Indians who are at one with us as to the
final goal, or to be more precise, the power to be transferred to the
revolutionary party through popular support. After that, to proceed in right
earnest is to organize the reconstruction of the whole society on the socialist
basis. If you do not mean this revolution, then please have mercy. Stop shouting
"Long Live Revolution." The term revolution is too sacred, at least to us, to be
so lightly used or misused. But if you say you are for the national revolution
and the aims of your struggle is an Indian republic of the type of the United
State of America, then I ask you to please let me know on what forces you rely
that will help you bring about that revolution. The only forces on which you can
rely to bring about that revolution whether national or the socialist, are the
peasantry and the labour. Congress leaders do not dare to organize those forces.
You have seen it in this movement. They know it better than anybody else that
without these forces they are absolutely helpless. When they passed the
resolution of complete independence - that really meant a revolution - they did
not mean it. They had to do it under pressure of the younger element, and then
they wanted to use it as a threat to achieve their hearts' desire - Dominion
Status. You can easily judge it by studying the resolutions of the last three
sessions of the Congress. I mean Madras, Calcutta and Lahore. At Calcutta, they
passed a resolution asking for Dominion Status within twelve months, otherwise
they would be forced to adopt complete independence as their object, and in all
solemnity waited for some such gift till midnight after the 31st December, 1929.
Then they found themselves "honour bound" to adopt the Independence resolution,
otherwise they did not mean it. But even then Mahatma Ji made no secret of the
fact that the door (for compromise) was open. That was the real spirit. At the
very outset they knew that their movement could not but end in some compromise.
It is this half-heartedness that we hate, not the compromise at a particular
stage in the struggle. Anyway, we were discussing the forces on which you can
depend for a revolution. But if you say that you will approach the peasants and
labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell you that they are not
going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what
are they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their sacrifices,
what difference does it make to them whether Lord Reading is the head of the
Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas? What difference for a peasant
if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his
national sentiment. You can't "use" him for your purpose; you shall have to mean
seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be his and
for his good. The Revolution of the proletariat and for the proletariat.
When you have
formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right earnest
to organize your forces for such an action. Now there are two different phases
through which you shall have to pass. First, the Preparation; second, the
After the present
movement ends, you will find disgust and some disappointment amongst the sincere
revolutionary workers. But you need not worry. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be
prepared to face the facts. Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond
the power of any man to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought about on
any appointed date. It is brought can it be brought about on an appointed date.
It is brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function
of an organized party is to utilise any such opportunity offered by these
circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organise the forces for the
revolution is a very difficult task. And that requires a very great sacrifice on
the part of the revolutionary workers. Let me make it clear that if you are a
businessman or an established worldy or family man, please don't play with fire.
As a leader you are of no use to the party. We have already very many such
leaders who spare some evening hours for delivering speeches. They are useless.
We require - to use the term so dear to Lenin - the "professional
revolutionaries". The whole-time workers who have no other ambitions or
life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such workers
organised into a party, the greater the chances of your success.
systematically, what you need the most is a party with workers of the type
discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen perception and ability of
initiative and quick decisions. The party shall have iron discipline and it need
not necessarily be an underground party, rather the contrary. Though the policy
of voluntarily going to jail should altogether be abandoned. That will create a
number of workers who shall be forced to lead an underground life. They should
carry on the work with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers that shall
produce worthy leaders for the real opportunity.
requires workers which can be recruited only through the Youth movement. Hence
we find the Youth movement as the starting point of our programme. The youth
movement should organize study circles, class lectures and publication of
leaflets, pamphlets, books and periodicals. This is the best recruiting and
training ground for political workers.
Those young men
who may have matured their ideas and may find themselves ready to devote their
life to the cause, may be transferred to the party. The party workers shall
always guide and control the work of the Youth movement as well. The party
should start with the work of mass propaganda. It is very essential. One of the
fundamental causes of the failure of the efforts of the Ghadar Party (1914-15)
was the ignorance, apathy and sometimes active opposition of the masses. And
apart from that, it is essential for gaining the active sympathy of and
organising the peasants and workers. The name of party or rather, a communist
party. This party of political workers, bound by strict discipline, should
handle all other movements. It shall have to organize the peasants' and workers'
parties, labour unions, and may even venture to capture the Congress and kindred
political bodies. And in order to create political consciousness, not only of
national politics but class politics as well as the party should organize a big
publishing campaign. Subjects on all proletens ( problems) enlightening the
masses of the socialist theory shall be within easy reach and distributed
widely. The writings should be simple and clear.
certain people in the labour movement who enlist some absurd ideas about the
economic liberty of the peasants and workers without political freedom. They are
demagogues or muddle-headed people. Such ideas are unimaginable and
preposterous. We mean the economic liberty of the masses, and for that very
purpose we are striving to win the political power. No doubt in the beginning,
we shall have to fight for little economic demands and privileges of these
classes. But these struggles are the best means for educating them for a final
struggle to conquer political power.
Apart from these,
there shall necessarily be organized a military department. This is very
important. At times its need is felt very badly. But at that time you cannot
start and formulate such a group with substantial means to act effectively.
Perhaps this is the topic that needs a careful explanation. There is very great
probability of my being misunderstood on this subject. Apparently I have acted
like a terrorist. But I am not a terrorist. I am a revolutionary who has got
such definite ideas of a lengthy programme as is being discussed here. My
"comrades in arms" might accuse me, like Ram Prasad Bismil, for having been
subjected to certain sort of reaction in the condemned cell, which is not true.
I have got the same ideas, same convictions, same zeal and same spirit as I used
to have outside, perhaps-nay, decidedly-better. Hence I warn my readers to be
careful while reading my words. They should not try to read anything between the
lines. Let me announce with all the strength at my command, that I am not a
terrorist and I never was, expect perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary
career. And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through those methods.
One can easily judge it from the history of the Hindustan Socialist Republican
Association. All our activities were directed towards an aim, i.e., identifying
ourselves with the great movement as its military wing. If anybody has
misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas. I do not mean that bombs and pistols
are useless, rather the contrary. But I mean to say that mere bomb-throwing is
not only useless but sometimes harmful. The military department of the party
should always keep ready all the war-material it can command for any emergency.
It should back the political work of the party. It cannot and should not work
On these lines indicated above, the party should proceed with its
work. Through periodical meetings and conferences they should go on educating
and enlightening their workers on all topics.
If you start the
work on these lines, you shall have to be very sober. The programme requires at
least twenty years for its fulfillment. Cast aside the youthful dreams of a
revolution within ten years of Gandhi's utopian promises of Swaraj in One Year.
It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of constant
struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality first. Shake off the
dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you shall have to
proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong determination. No
difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure and betrayals
shall dishearten you. No travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff out the
revolutionary zeal in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you
shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable
assets of the revolution.
LONG LIVE REVOLUTION
2nd February, 1931
is not perhaps any longer a far distant dream ; events are moving apace and it
may become a reality sooner than we expect . British Imperialism is admittedly
in a tight corner. Germany is about to topple down , France is tottering, even
the United States shaky. And their difficulty is our opportunity. Everything
points to that long prophesised eventuality – the ultimate and inevitable
breakdown of the Capitalistic order of Society. Diplomats may agree to save
themselves and Capitalistic conspiracy may yet keep wolf of Revolution away from
their doors. The British budget may be balanced, the moribund mark granted some
hours of respite and King Dollar may retain his crown ; but the trade depression
if continued and continued it must be , we know the members of unemployed being
multiplied daily as a result of the Capitalistic race in production and
competition is bound to throw the Capitalistic system out of gear in the months
to come. The Revolution is ,therefore , no longer a prophecy and prospect ---
but “ practical politics” for thoughtful planning and remorseless execution. Let
there be no confusion of thought as to its aspect or as to its immediacy , its
methods and its objective.
We should not
have any illusion about the possibilities, failures and achievements of Congress
movement, which should be, as it is to-day, be better stamped Gandhism . It does
not stand for freedom avowedly ; it is in favour of “Parternership” – a strange
interpretation of what “ complete independence” signifies. Its method is novel,
and but for the helplessness of the people. Gandhism would gain no adherent for
the Saint of Sabarmati . It has fulfilled and is fulfilling the role of an
intermediate party of Liberal Radical combination fighting shy of reality of the
situation and controlled mostly by men with stakes in the country, who prize
their stakes with bourgeoise tenacity, and it is bound to stagnate unless
rescued from its own fate by an infusion of Revolutionary blood. It must be
saved from its friends.
Let us be clear
on this thorny question of terrorism. The cult of the bomb is old as 1905 and
it is a sad comment on Revolutionary India that they have not yet realized its
use and misuse. Terrorism is a confession that the Revolutionary mentality has
not penetrated down into the masses. It is thus a confession of our failure. In
the initial stages it had its use; it shook the torpor out of body politic,
enkindled the imagination of young intelligentsia, fired their spirit of
self-sacrifice and demonstrated before the world and before our enemies the
truth and the strength of the movement. But by itself it is not enough. Its
history is a history of failure in every land – France, in Russia, in Balkan
countries, in Germany, in Spain every where. It bears the germ of defeat within
itself. The Imperialist knows that to rule 300 millions he must sacrifice 30 of
his men annually .The pleasure of ruling may be bombed out or pistolled down,
but the practical gain from exploitation will make him stick to his post. Even
though arms were as readily available as we hope for, and were it pushed with a
thoroughness unknown any where else, terrorism can at most force the Imperialist
power to come to terms with party. Such terms a little more or less, must fall
short of our objective – complete independence. Terrorism thus hope to wring out
what Gandhism bids fair to attain – a compromise and an installment of reforms –
a replacement of a white rule at Delhi by a brown rule. It is aloof from the
life of the masses and once installed on the throne runs the risk of being
petrified into a tyranny. The Irish parallel, I have to warn, does not apply in
our case. In Ireland it was not sporadic terroristic activities she witnessed;
it was a nation wide rising, the rank and file were bound by an intimate
knowledge and sympathy with the gunmen. Arms they could have very easily, and
the American –Irish poured out their money. Topography favoured such a warfare,
and Ireland after all had to be satisfied with an unaccomplished movement. It
has lessened the bonds but not released the Irish proletariat from the shackles
of the Capitalist, native and foreign. Ireland is a lesson to India and a
warning –warning how nationalistic idealism devoid of Revolutionary social basis
although with all other circumstances in its favor, may (be?) lost itself in the
shoals of a compromise with Imperialism. Should India, if she could imitate
In a sense Gandhism with its
counter – revolutionary creed of quietism makes a nearer approach to the
revolutionary ideas. For it counts on mass action, though not for the masses
alone. They have paved the way for the proletariat revolution by trying to
harness them, however crudely and selfishly to its political programme . The
Revolutionary must give to the angle of non- violence his due.
The devil of terrorism
needs, however, no compliments. The terrorist has done much, taught us much and
has his use still , provided we do not make a confusion of our aims and means
, at desperate moments we can make of terrorist outrages our best publicity
works but it is none the less fire works and should be reserved for a chosen few
. Let not the revolutionary be lashed round and round the vicious circle of
aimless outrages and individual self-immolation. The inspiring ideal for all and
sundry workers should not be that of dying for the cause but of living for the
cause, and living usefully and worthily
point out, that we do not repudiate terrorist activities altogether. We want to
asses its proper value from the standpoint of proletariat Revolution. The youth,
who is found not to fit in with the cold and silent organization work, has
another role to play- he is to be released from the dry work and allowed to
fulfill his destiny. But the controlling body should always forsee the possible
reaction of the deed on the party, the masses and on the enemy. It may divert
the attention of the first two from militant mass action to the stirring
sensational action and it may supply to last with clues for striking at the root
of the whole party In either case it does not advance the
organization is, however, not an anathema. Indeed it is the front line, “the
firing line’’ of the Revolutionary party ;must be linked with the “base” formed
by a mobile and militant mass party. Collections of arms and finances for
organization are therefore to be under taken without any scruple.
What we mean by
Revolution is quite plan. In this century it can mean only one thing -the
capture of the political power by the masses for the masses. It is in fact The
Revolution. Other risings attempt a mere change of your lordships, trying to
perpetuate the rotting capitalistic order No amount of profession of sympathy
for the people and the popular cause can ultimately hoodwink the masses about
the true nature and portent of such superficial replacement . In India too, we
want nothing less then the regime of the Indian proletariat in the place of the
Indian Imperialists and their native allies who are barricaded behind the same
eronomic system of exploration . We can suffer no black evil to replace the
white evil . The evils have a community of interest to do any such thing .
revolution is the only weapon of India to dislodge the Imperialist. Nothing else
can attain this object . Nationalists of all shades are agreed on the objective-
Independence of the Imperialists. They must realise rebelliousness of the masses
is the motive force behind their agitation and militant mass action alone can
push it to success. Having no recourse to it easily, they always delude
themselves with the vision of the what they consider a temporary remedy but
quick and effective remedy, viz overthrowing the foreign rule by an armed
opposition of a few hundreds of determined idealist nationalists and then
reconstructing the State on Socialistic lines . They should see into reality of
the situation, arms are not plenty, and in the modern world the insurrection of
an untrained body isolated from the militant masses stands no chance of success.
The nationalists to be effective must harness the nation into action, into
revolt And the nation are not the loud- speakers of the Congress-it is the
peasants and the labourers who formed more than 95 per cent of India. The
nation will stir itself to action only on assurance of nationalization. i.e..
freedom from slavery of Imperialist – capitalists.
What we need to keep in mind is that no revolution can succeed or is
to be desired, but the proletariat revolution
THE PROGRAMME .
The need of hour
is therefore for a clear, honest programme for the revolution, and determined
action for realization of the programme.
In 1917 before the October Revolution had come off Lenin , still in
hiding in Moscow , wrote that for a successful revolution three condition are
1A political- economic
2A rebellious mass
mind , and
3A party of
revolutionaries , trained and determined to lead the masses when the hour of
trial arrives :--
condition has been more than fulfilled in India ; the second and third yet await
finally and completeness . To mobilise them is the work before all workers of
freedom and the programme should be farmed with that end in view. We propose to
discuss its outline in the following and our suggestion on each section are to
be detailed out in the Appendix A and Appendix B .
(1) The base work. -
The foremost duty before workers is to mobiles the masses for militant mass
action. We need not his play on his blind prejudices , sentiment, piety or
passive idealism . Our promises to him are not mere sops or half a loaf. They
are complete and concrete , and we can be with him sincere and plain , and
should never create in his mind any miasma of prejudices . The revolution is for
him, for to name only the prominent heads:--
the peasants’ indebtedness.
of land by the Revolutionary State with a view finally to lead to improved and
security as to housing
5Abolition of all
charges on the peasantry except a minimum of unitary land tax.
of the Industries and industrialization of the country.
8Reduction of the
hours of work to the minimum necessary.
The masses are bound to respond to such a programme - we have only
to reach them. It is the supreme task. Enforced ignorance on their part, and
apathy of the intelligent classes on the other, have created an artificial
barrier between the educated revolutionary and his less fortunate comrade of the
sickle and the hammer. That must be demolished by the revolutionary and for that
1The Congress platform
is to be availed of.
2The Trade Union are
to be captured and new Unions and bodies shaped and modelled on aggressive
3Ryat Union are to be
formed to organize them on the issues indicated.
4Every social and
philanthropic organization (even the cooperative societies) that offers an
opportunity to approach the masses should be secretly entered into and its
activities controlled so as to further the real objective.
5The Unions are
Committees of artisans workers as well as intellectual workers and are to be set
These are the
lines of approach for the educated and trained revolutionary to reach the
masses. And once they are reached, they can be moved easily by a training, at
first in aggressive assertion, of their rights, and later on, by militant
offensives like strikes combined with sabotage.
THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY
It is on the
active group of Revolutionary that the main task of reaching the masses as well
as preparing them for the action rests. They are the mobile, determined mind
which will energise the nation into a militant life. As circumstances arise they
come and will also come for some time longer from the ranks of the revolutionary
intelligentsia, who have broken away from their bourgeois or petty bourgeois
traditions. The revolutionary party will be composed of these souls and they
will gather around them the more and more active recruits from the labour,
peasant or small artisan classes. It will be mainly a body of revolutionary-
intellectuals , men and women , and on them will devolve the duty of planning
and executing, publicity and propaganda, initiating and organizing , or
coordinating the activities and linking up the different unions into an
offensive, of seducing the army and the police and forming the army of
revolution with themselves and these forces , of offering combined and organised
armed resistance in the shape of raids and risings , of mobilising forces for
mass insurrection and fearlessly guiding them(that?) when that hour comes. In
fact they are the brains of the movement. Hence what they will require is
character, i.e , capacity for initiative and revolutionary leadership and above
all it should be disciplined and strengthened by an intensive study of politics
, economic problems , of history and social tendencies , and current diplomatic
relations, of the progressive sciences and the science and art of modern warfare
. Revolution is the creation of hard thinkers and hard workers. Unfortunately,
the intellectual equipment of the Indian Revolutionaries is often neglected, but
this has made them lose sight of the essential of revolution as well as the
proper bearing of their actions. So a revolutionary must make of his studies a
The party, it is
clear, can in certain matters act openly and publicly It should not be secret in
so far as it can help it. This will disarm suspicion and will bestow on it
prestige and power. The Party will have to shoulder high responsibilities, So it
will be convenient to divide it into certain committees for every area with
special tasks allocated to each of them. The division should be flexible, and
according to the needs of the hour or on the study of the possibilities of a
member, he should be assigned duties under any such local committee. The local
committees are subordinate to the Provincial Boards, and they in their turn to
the Supreme Council. The work of liaison “ linking “within the province should
be the concern of the P .B and inter-provincial liaison is to be maintained by
the Supreme Council All sporadic actions or disintegrating Factors are to be
checked but over centralisation is not feasible, and hence better not be
All the local
committees should work in close cooperation having on each one representative of
other committee. The Committee should be small, composite and efficient, never
allowed to degenerate into discussion clubs.
The local Revolutionary Party in each area should have :-
(a) General Committee: -
Recruitment, propaganda amongst military, general policy, organization.
Co-ordination of the popular Unions (See App. A)
(b) Committee of Finance :-
This Committee may be composed with a majority of Women members . On it rests
the most difficult of all takes and hence it should have ungrudging help from
the others. The source of Finance are :- Voluntary contribution , Forced
contribution ( Govt. money ). Foreign capitalist and Banking houses, native one
in order of precedence, outrages on private personal wealth (however repugnant
to our policy reacts against the party and should not be encouraged), Contraband
sources (embezzlement ).
(c) Committee of action:-
Its composition : A secret body for sabotage , collection of arms . training for
Groups (a) Younger:
Espionage, local military survey (b) Experts: collection of arms , military
Committee of Women: - Through no artificial barrier is recognized between men
and women, yet for the sake of convenience and safety of the party there should
be for the time being such a body entirely responsible for its own members. They
may be put in entire charge of the (b) F. C .and of the considerable activities
of the (a ) G . C . Their scope on (c ) is very limited . Their primary duties
will be to revolutionise the women folk and select from them active members for
It might be
concluded from the programme outlined that there is no short cut to Revolution
or freedom. It cannot “dawn on us one fine morning”, That would, were it
possible, be a sad day. Without the base work, without the militant masses and
the party ready in every way, it would be a failure. So we have to stir
ourselves. And we have to remember all the time that the capitalistic order is
drifting ahead for a disaster – the catastrophe will come off perhaps ,in course
of two or three years . And if we still dissipate our energies or do not mobiles
the revolutionary forces the crisis will come and find us wanting. Let us be
warned and accept two and three years plan of Revolution.
Duties of the General Committee.
groups :-A country-wide youth league chain which is almost complete .It has be
linked together and most closely co-operate with the other Schools, Colleges,
Gymnasiums, Clubs, Libraries, Study circles, Welfare association and even
Ashrams - every inch of it are to be nabbed by the Youth Movement
The Press is the
best medium, but in rural areas the platform is to be utilized. Nothing is so
helpful for workers and the masses as cheap, plainly written periodicals, books
or leaflets. A warning is to be given against the present supply – the stuff we
consume. It is not an easy art to say what one has to say and make other hear
him. Special duty of seducing the military should be assigned to tried workers ,
e g , 27 per cent of the army of the Punjabi Musalman are to be tampered by
their Punjabi kinsmen .The Gurkhas are a problem, the Sikhs , Marhattas and
Rajputs are not so .
Substitution of the bureaucratic authority by that of the masses.
The Union of labourers, ryots, artisans, in their aggressive struggle to enforce
their own right must be trained for the revolutionary offensive for capture of
the political power.
Calling for representatives of the local union, to from the local
general Committees, calling for representatives to form the central committee of
the party, and for delegates from time to time to meet in conferences for
deciding on policy or programme.
Besides the forgoing, the selection of the personal and members of
Duties of the Committee of Action .
Two classes of
members (1) Junior & Women (ii) Senior. It is to be in charge of the underground
(1) Composition: - Its
membership is bound to be not large but efficient. It should insist on a
rigorous discipline. It will supply the leaders for the Revolutionary “ Red’’
Army, hence, extreme care and caution should be taken in its composition, and
its existence and activities are to be kept secret from the ordinary members of
Duty of the Junior & Women .
Espionage and intelligence supply (2 ) Collection of Arms ;- to the present
method should be added the method of direct acquisition through international
sources ; ( 3 ) Members should be a sent to Western Countries for the purpose
and the for learning the use of arms , e .g . , Lewis and Vickers guns,
preparation of hand- grenades , etc; ( 4 ) Action – Survey of the locality.
(The Government maps are to be spotted showing routes, canals possible shelters
for members.) The model is indicated below from “Field notes, Afghanistan, 1914.
1. Physical Features, General Boundary, Rivers, Flood seasons, Bridges, Forts
and Ferries , Navigability , Waistes.
II. Populations , Religion; Language, Tribes , Castes , Distinctive
dress and character .
III. Supply – Fodder
, firewood , grain transport , Ponies , Mules , Bullocks , Donkeys , Horses ,
Camels , Motors and Buses .
IV Forces – Police, Military Police – Military their strength, their
activities if tempered, Outpost stations , cantonments . Distribution of
Police, of the military police , of the infantry , cavalry or artillery – of
arms and magazines , guns, pistols , rifles , small arms and big arms .
Possible fighting men from the locality – hostile and friendly –
“Roads: Description and a chart as follows
<![if !vml]><![endif]> 1.
Form ………………to ……………… ….Miles
2 Stages: …………………..stop …………………Miles
Nature: Metalled – Motorable - Kutcha , etc
Obstacles; Difficult in rains, etc
Water supply, fuel, fodder connection, with remarks.
Training In volunteer corps – University corps, etc. Thorough study of the
“Field Service Regulation “ Vol. I And Vol. II is bound to be profitable . This
knowledge is essential. Study of more military Literature and acquaintance with
wherever possible, Soldiers in barracks and cantons to be encouraged .
Duty of the Seniors
Finance : To be undertaken at the request of F .C and G .C with their
sanction . To be limited to public money and Foreign capitalistic gains , for
the present The effect on popularity and unpopularity , should be final test
for such action .
On behalf of the Unions at
the direction of G .C
COLLECTION OF ARMS.
See foregoing .
ACTIONS FOR TERRRORISING
individual only in very extreme cases when his offence is against the public,
not against mere groups or individual. Generally to be discouraged unless
forged circumstances .
When the Supreme Council
directs. Group rising essential. Raids for arms.